Miscellaneous

Forty years ago I was in my political prime. I was a 37-year-old lawyer with a beautiful wife and three fine looking little boys. For services rendered in his 1978 reelection campaign, Gov. Jay Hammond had designed a seat in the State Senate especially for me, and I was ready to start my legislative career.

I had come back to Alaska in 1974 after law school with the intention of taking out Democratic U. S. Sen. Mike Gravel, a liberal and a whack job. But Frank Murkowski beat me to it, so now I had my sights on liberal Republican Sen. Ted Stevens. I couldn’t run against Congressman Don Young because Don was a good conservative and there would be no point to it.

I made no secret of my intentions, and I had my political game plan all worked out. In 1980, was chairman of Reagan for President, Alaska.  In 1990, I would run in the Republican Senate primary hard to Stevens’ right, and attack his liberalism as being out of touch with the majority of Alaska’s Reagan Republicans.

A few months after I was sworn in to the State Senate, Justice Jay Rabinowitz handed down his opinion in Carpenter v. Hammond, 667 P. 2d 1204.  It threw out Hammond’s 1980 reapportionment, and gave Democratic Gov. Bill Sheffield a free rein in reapportioning the whole state.  Sheffield hated my guts, so my career in the State Senate would end in 1984.

To this day legal scholars have a hard time figuring out Carpenter v. Hammond. Legally, it’s nonsensical. But it wasn’t really a legal opinion.  It was purely political.

My political momentum was stopped cold. I was never able to regain it, and I never ran against Ted Stevens.

For 40 years, Alaska’s Supreme Court has been faithfully fulfilling the Rabinowitz legacy of left-wing political activism and judicial imperialism. Republican Governors have attempted to appoint conservatives, but have been stymied by the lawyer-dominated Alaska Judicial Council, which refuses to nominate them. 

They’re trying it again right now, giving Gov. Mike Dunleavy a list of exclusively leftist activist nominees, all in the mold of Jay Rabinowitz.

But this year there’s a difference. Dunleavy is the first two-term Republican governor in 44 years, so he doesn’t have to worry about reelection. The leftist lawyers and media can hold their breath, roll on the floor, and turn purple, but he doesn’t have to pay any attention.  It’s an historic opportunity, which let’s hope he takes advantage of. 

He doesn’t have to appoint any of these people. He can just say no.

Watching wild card weekend was not only great entertainment, but it was also encouraging. No one kneeled during the anthem, and players are once again huddling to pray after the game. Best of all, after an interception, as the entire defensive team ran to the end zone to stage a celebratory dance, the cameras cut away.

NFL fans hate these displays. It never happens in baseball, hockey or basketball, and it should be shunned in football as well.

Go 9ers.

Joe Biden wasn’t elected, He was selected. And he’s past his useful life. So he’s expendable. So they get Kamala as President,

Now what? I don’t think they know.

What are they thinking?

They all smoke dope and sing

“Imagine there’s no countries

It’s not hard to do

Nothing to kill or die for

And no religion too.”

In 2015 George Soros launched his campaign against Article V. The BBA movement and the Wolf-PAC movement for campaign finance reform had both been motoring along, and he stopped them both. When he stopped the BBA in Montana it was a blow from which we never recovered. Wolf-PAC hasn’t made any progress in eight years.

Any Article V effort will struggle to overcome Soros’ opposition. His method is simple: bribery. He offers money to Democratic legislative leadership PACs. It’s quid pro quo. Kill Article V in your state legislature, and I’ll give you all the campaign donations you want.

Five years ago, in my blog entry of April 2, 2018, I swore we would beat Soros. And we will.