Biden is toast

This was always going to be a good year for a Republican to run for office in Alaska. It just got way better.

At the head of the Democratic ticket, Joe Biden functions, barely, only with the active assistance of his wife. On his own, in a debate, he’s a disaster. It’s only going to get worse, but Jill Biden likes being the most powerful woman in the world, and she’s going to tough it out. The Democratic party, the Obamas and the Clintons, can all go to hell, as far as she’s concerned. Aren’t you glad you’re not a Democrat right now?

The first three Article V Conventions

There are three things that large majorities of Alaskans, and Americans, right, left and center, can agree on. One is the need to stop the reckless deficit spending, and the ballooning national debt, which are causing inflation. Another is the need to impose term limits on members of Congress. The third is reform of a campaign finance system which corrupts Congress and gives incumbents an enormous advantage as they seek reelection.

None of these reforms will ever get through Congress. All will require the use of Article V to amend the Constitution. Short of revolution, it’s the only way any of them can happen.

First up will be fiscal reform. The need is urgent, and there may already be enough valid Article V resolutions on this subject to force Congress to call the first Article V Convention of States. When that Convention takes place, legislative leaders from all 50 states, Republican and Democrat, will be charged with crafting a solution which is satisfactory to a large supermajority of the country. Friendships will naturally form, relationships will be established.  When they have finished their business, it will only be natural for them to ask themselves,, “Is there anything else we can agree on?”

Term limits for Congress is a no brainer. Large, bipartisan majorities of voters want it, and opening up Congress to new blood will give some of these state legislators an opportunity to advance their own careers. Delegates to the Convention will be the leaders of their respective state legislatures and can agree among themselves that they will go home and pass the needed Article V resolutions for a 2nd Convention of States, to propose a term limits amendment.

Once that’s done, campaign finance reform should be the next item on the Article V agenda. Among the delegates to the 1787 Convention there was great distrust of the state legislatures, where hostility to a new federal Constitution was rampant. Madison, in particular, didn’t want to give these legislatures control over congressional elections. He feared that they would use that power to somehow hamstring the new Congress. So, in Article I, Sec. 4, he inserted a provision giving Congress the power to regulate the “Times, Places, and Manner” of its own elections.

This may have made sense at the time, but in modern practice it has turned out to be a serious problem. Congress has constructed campaign finance laws so that challengers to incumbent Congressmen are at a huge disadvantage. The easy and practical way to solve this problem is to amend Article I, Sec. 4 to give each state the authority to control its own campaign finance law. The state legislatures would control congressional campaign finance and can impose a new campaign finance regime which would result in a more level playing field and reduce endemic corruption. Each state will have its own law. Citizen initiatives could be used to institute campaign finance restrictions which legislatures refuse to pass. The laws of Alaska will be quite different from the laws of New York, which is fine. It’s called federalism, and it works. Delegates to a 3rd Convention of States, dealing with campaign finance, would be empowering themselves, at the expense of Congress. From their perspective, what’s not to like?

At this point such talk is mere speculation.  But what is beyond doubt is that the first use of Article V in almost 240 years will begin a process of reviving federalism, a bedrock constitutional principle which has eroded over time, as the federal government has amassed more and more power, at the expense of the states.  It would be a concrete demonstration of the fact that, ultimately, the states, acting collectively, can control the federal government.

When state legislators pass Article V resolutions, they are attempting to return political power to their states, and themselves, at the expense of Congress and the federal government. Returning power to the states, and the people, from a bloated and dysfunctional federal government is good policy, and good politics. It’s an idea whose time has come.  If and when it happens, it would be historic, a watershed, 

In 1988 Rep. Fritz Pettyjohn introduced HJR 54, an Article V resolution calling for the limitation of congressional terms.  He blogs at ReaganProject.com.

(This originally appeared in Must Read Alaska)

Congress can stop a runaway Convention of States

The replacement, or supersession, of the Articles of Confederation by the Constitution was done in an orderly and lawful manner. The delegates to the Annapolis Convention of 1786 requested that the Confederation Congress call a Constitutional Convention in May of 1787, to be held in Philadelphia. The Congress acceded to the request and called the convention.

On September 17, 1787, after finishing drafting the proposed Constitution, the Convention unanimously adopted a Resolution calling for it to be submitted to the Confederation Congress, and recommended that that Congress, in turn, submit the proposal to state conventions for their assent and ratification. The Convention of 1787 did not believe it had the standing to submit their proposal to the states for their consideration. Only Congress had that authority.

Likewise, a Convention of States, called by the Congress pursuant to Article V, would lack the authority to submit their proposal to the States. Only Congress has that power, and the power to determine the method of ratification. To argue the contrary is to ignore clear historical precedent.

The Confederation Congress chose to follow the recommendations of the Convention. It was not obligated to do so.

So if a Convention of States, called pursuant to Article V, were to ignore limitations on its authority, as stated in the call of the Convention, Congress would have the power to refuse to submit it to the states for ratification.

Congress has the power to prevent the dreaded “runaway”.

Defusing the Debt Bomb

(originally published in Must Read Alaska

Our growing national debt is beginning to impact every American. The inflation caused by federal overspending is hurting us all. The interest on the debt is crowding out other national priorities. Economists of all political persuasions agree that this level of deficit spending cannot be sustained. Neither Trump nor Biden offer a solution. The problem is in Congress, where neither Republicans nor Democrats are capable of reducing spending. Congress is a broken institution, corrupt and dysfunctional. What can be done?

The Alaska legislature has responded to this situation by passing Article V resolutions calling for a Convention of States to propose a constitutional amendment to control federal spending. The first passed in 1982, as the national debt first surpassed $1 trillion. Another, modified, version passed in 2014, with the support of none other than then-Senator Mike Dunleavy. Back then the debt was $17 trillion. It has doubled since, to $34 trillion. It is now rising by a trillion dollars every 100 days.

Article V is the remedy the Framers of the Constitution gave to the states to control Congress. There is no other solution to congressional deficit spending available. Article V instructs Congress to issue a call for a Convention of States once it receives valid resolutions from 34 states, a threshold which has arguably already been reached.

The principal argument against the use of Article V is the fear of a runaway convention. The convention of 1787 was called by the Confederation Congress to propose amendments to the Articles of Confederation. Instead, it proposed an entirely new Constitution. What’s to stop another Convention of States from doing the same thing?

Congress itself has the power to prevent that from happening. It can simply declare that the Convention exceeded its authority and refuse to refer the Convention’s proposal to the states for ratification. The Confederation Congress of 1787 could have done exactly that. It could have rejected the proposed Constitution and refused to refer it to the states for ratification. It chose not to do so.

Under Article V, a Convention of States has legal authority only when it is called by Congress. Any amendment proposed by a Convention can only be ratified when it is referred to the states by Congress. The United States Congress can prevent a runaway convention.

I believe the day will soon come when Congress reluctantly acknowledges that it has received 34 valid Article V Resolutions calling for fiscal reform, and that it has no choice but to call for a Convention of States. That Convention will be charged with finding a solution.

When that Convention meets, it must necessarily proceed in a bipartisan manner. Unless the amendment it proposes is ratified, the Convention will be a failure. In order to be ratified, an amendment needs a 3/4 supermajority of the states to approve. In practice, no constitutional amendment has ever been ratified without broad, bipartisan support.

The delegates to any Article V Convention will be selected by each state legislature. It will be a high honor, which will only be given to legislators with talent and experience. All of these men and women will have assembled supermajorities in their own legislature. It’s not easy. To get a 3/4 supermajority is extremely difficult. But it can be done, if the matter is urgent, and the stakes high. Republicans and Democrats will have no choice but to cooperate. The amendment they agree to propose will be one which can and will be ratified.

Article V offers the states a lifeline, to be used when all else fails. I believe it will happen, eventually, because there is no real alternative. Time is running out.